ഹദീസ് ഒരു പഠനം
Traditions of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH)
Hadith,
Arabic Ḥadīth (“News” or “Story”), also spelled Hadīt , record of the
traditions or sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, revered and received as a major
source of religious law and moral guidance, second only to the authority of the
Qurʾān, the holy book of Islam. It might be defined as the biography of
Muhammad perpetuated by the long memory of his community for their
exemplification and obedience. The development of Hadith is a vital element
during the first three centuries of Islamic history, and its study provides a
broad index to the mind and ethos of Islam.
Way of the origins
The
term Hadith derives from the Arabic root ḥdth meaning “to happen” and so “to
tell a happening,” “to report,” “to have, or give, as news,” or “to speak of.”
It means tradition seen as narrative and record. From Hadith comes the Sunnah (literally,
a “well-trodden path”—i.e., taken as precedent and authority or directive), to
which the faithful conform in submission to the sanction that Hadith possesses
and that legalists, on that ground, can enjoin. Tradition in Islam is thus both
content and constraint, Hadith as the biographical ground of law and Sunnah as
the system of obligation derived from it. In and through Hadith, Muhammad may
be said to have shaped and determined from the grave the behaviour patterns of
the household of Islam by the posthumous leadership his personality exercised.
There were, broadly, two factors operating to this end. One was the unique
status of Muhammad in the genesis of Islam, and the other was the rapid
geographical expansion of the new faith in the first two centuries of its
history into various areas of cultural confrontation. Hadith cannot be rightly
assessed unless the measure of these two elements and their interaction is
properly taken.
The
experience of Muslims in the conquered territories of west and middle Asia and
North Africa was related to their earlier tradition. Islamic tradition was
firmly grounded in the sense of Muhammad’s personal destiny as the Prophet—the
instrument of the Qurʾān and the apostle of God. The clue to tradition as an
institution in Islam may be seen in the recital of the shahādah, or “witness”
(“There is no god but God; Muhammad is the prophet of God”), with its twin
items as inseparable convictions—God and the messenger. Islamic tradition
follows from the primary phenomenon of the Qurʾān, received personally by
Muhammad and thus inextricably bound up with his person and the agency of his
vocation. Acknowledgment of the Qurʾān as scripture by the Islamic community
was inseparable from acknowledgment of Muhammad as its appointed recipient. In
that calling he had neither fellow nor partner, for God, according to the
Qurʾān, spoke only to Muhammad. When Muhammad died, in 632 ce, the gap thus
created in the emotions and the mental universe of Muslims was shatteringly
wide. It was also permanent. Death had terminated the revelation embodied in
the Qurʾān. By the same stroke, scriptural mediation had ended, as well as
prophetic presence.
The
Prophet’s death was said to have coincided with the perfection of revelation.
But the perfective closure of both the book and the Prophet’s life, though in
that sense triumphant, was also onerous, particularly in view of the new
changing circumstances, of both space and time, in the geographical expansion
of Islam. In all the new pressures of historical circumstance, where was
direction to be sought? Where, if not from the same source as the scriptural
mouthpiece, who by virtue of that consummated status had become the revelatory
instrument of the divine word and could therefore be taken as an everlasting
index to the divine counsel? The instinct for and the growth of tradition are
thus integral elements in the very nature of Islam, Muhammad, and the Qurʾān.
Ongoing history and the extending dispersion of Muslim believers provided the
occasion and spur for the compilation of Hadith.
Growth of the Hadith Literature
The
appeal of the ordered recollection of Muhammad to the Islamic mind did not
become immediately formalized and sophisticated. On the contrary, there is
evidence that the full development of Hadith was slow and uneven. Time and
distance had to play their role before memory became stylized and official.
Literally Traditions of Jahiliyyah
The
first generation had its own immediacy of Islamic experience, both within the
life span of the Prophet and in the first quarter century afterward. It had
also the familiar patterns of tribal chronicle in song and saga. Pre-Islamic
poetry celebrated the glory of each tribe and their warriors. Such poetry was
recited in honour of each tribe’s ancestors. The vigour and élan of original
Islam took up these postures and baptized them into Muslim lore. The proud
history of which Muhammad was the crux was, naturally, the ardent theme, first
of chronicle and then of history writing. Both needed and stimulated the cherishing
of tradition. The lawyers, in turn, took their clues from the same source.
While the Qurʾān was being received, there had been reluctance and misgiving
about recording the words and acts of the Prophet, lest they be confused with
the uniquely constituted contents of the scripture. Knowledge of Muhammad’s
disapproval of the practice of recording his words is evidence enough that the
practice existed. With the Qurʾān complete and canonized, those considerations
no longer obtained, and time and necessity turned the instinct for Hadith into
a process of gathering momentum.
Developments of early centuries of Hijrah
Within
the first century of the Prophet’s death, tradition had come to be a central
factor in the development of law and the shape of society. Association by
Hadith with Muhammad’s name and example became increasingly the ground of
authority. The 2nd century brought the further elaboration of this relationship
by increasing formalism in its processes. Traditions had to be sustained by an
expert “science” of attestation able to satisfy rigorous formal criteria of
their connection with the person of Muhammad through his “companions,” by an
unbroken sequence of “reportage.” This science became so meticulous that it is
fair (even if also paradoxical) to suspect that the more complete and formally
satisfactory the attestation claimed to be, the more likely it was that the
tradition was of late and deliberate origin. The developed requirements of
acceptability that the tradition boasted simply did not exist in the early,
more haphazard and spontaneous days.
It
is clear that many customs and usages native to non-Arab societies prior to
their Islamization found their way into Islam in the form of reputed or alleged
traditions of Muhammad, though always on the condition of their general
compatibility with Islamic tradition. Implicit in this sense in Muhammad’s
personal example and genius, tradition inferred elasticity and an embrace large
enough to comprehend and anticipate all that Islam in its wide geographical
experience was to become.
Qurʾānic
commentary, as it developed in the wake of these other factors of law and
custom, also leaned heavily on traditional material, for the incidents of the
Qurʾānic narrative and the occasions of revelation could best be understood by
what tradition had to say in its reporting of them. Further, since the patterns
of Qurʾānic commentary were largely hortatory, Hadith was a ready mine of word
and story calculated to exemplify and reinforce what exhortation commended.
Except in rare and controversial cases (the so-called Ḥadīth Qudsī, or Holy
Tradition), these traditional factors in Qurʾānic interpretation were only
elucidatory, and the substance of tradition could in no way dispute or displace
the essential, primary authority of the Qurʾānic text; the obiter dicta
(incidental observations) of Muhammad, though sacrosanct, lacked the hallmark
of revelation, which belonged solely to the Qurʾān. Among earliest developed
examples of Hadith are the narratives of the biographer Ibn Isḥāq (died ah 150
[767 ce]) and the compilation of laws by Mālik ibn Anas, known as al-Muwaṭṭaʾ
(died ah 179 [795 ce]). But they preceded by less than half a century the
success of the theory that made tradition indispensable to the valid development
of Islamic law.
3rd Hijrah Year
The
chief protagonist of the view correlating tradition and law was Muḥammad
al-Shāfiʿī (died ah 204 [820 ce]), who claimed for tradition a divine imprint
as an extension of the revelation of the Qurʾān. It was in line with this
conviction that the phrase “the Qurʾān and the Sunnah” became current to
describe the fount of authority in Sunni Islam (the major traditionalist sect).
By this mandate and out of the needs and inventiveness of lawyers, the mass of
tradition grew apace. When virtually no issues could be argued, still less
settled, except by connection with cited acts and opinions of Muhammad, the
temptation to require or to imagine or to allege such traditions became
irresistible. Supply approximated to demand, and the growth of both made more
ingenious and pretentious the science of supporting attribution. The increasing
volume and complexity of the material contained in Hadith necessitated larger
compilations and more detailed classification. These factors worked together to
inspire a critical editorial activity that in the course of the 3rd century
generated what have come to be regarded as the six canonical collections of
Hadith by Sunnis. The first two of them have acquired a status of great
sanctity. Before noting these, it is convenient to describe the editorial task
and the editorial procedures that constitute the developed science of Hadith
criticism.
The world of Hadith
The
study of tradition distinguishes between the substance, or content, known as
the “gist” (matn) of the matter, and the “leaning” (isnād), or chain of
corroboration on which it hangs.
Formand criteria of
veracity
That
Muhammad observed “Seek knowledge, though it be in China” or “Beware of suspicion,
for it is the falsest of falsehoods” reveals the matn, or “the meat of the
matter.” The formula introducing such a Hadith would speak in the first person:
“It was related to me by A, on the authority of B, on the authority of C, on
the authority of D, from E (here a companion of Muhammad) that the Prophet
said….” This chain of names constituted the isnād on which the saying or event
depended for its authenticity. The major emphases in editing and arguing from
tradition always fell on the isnād, rather than on a critical attitude to the
matn itself. The question was not “Is this the sort of thing Muhammad might
credibly be imagined to have said or done?” but “Is the report that he said or
did it well supported in respect of witnesses and transmitters?” The first
question would have introduced too great a danger of subjective judgment or
independence of mind, though it may be suspected that issues were in fact often
decided by such critical appraisal in the form of decisions ostensibly relating
only to isnād. The second question certainly allowed a theoretically objective
and reasonably precise pattern of criteria.
If
the adjacent names in the chain of transmission overlapped in life, there was
certainty that they could have listened to one another. Their travels were also
investigated to see if their paths could have really crossed. Biographies could
be built up to show that they were honest men and spoke truly. Comparative
study could be made of their reputations for veracity as acknowledged by their
contemporaries or indicated by their traditions when compared. The frequency of
currency through several sources was yet another element in the testing of
traditions. Most important of all was the final link with the “companion,” who
in the first instance had the tradition from his or her contact with the
Prophet.
Classifications
In
all these ways, and others involving more minutiae, it was possible to
establish categories of Hadith quality. Traditions might be sound (ṣaḥīḥ), good
(ḥasan), or weak (ḍāʿīf). Other terms, such as healthy (ṣāliḥ) and infirm
(saqīm), were also current. Each of the three classifications was liable to
subdivisions, depending on refinements of assessment and, later, on their
standing with the classic compilers. Distinctions were less rigorously seen if
the traditions were cited not for legal definitions but merely for moral
purposes. A ḍāʿīf tradition, for example, might well be salutary for
exhortation, even if lawyers were required to exclude or ignore it. Traditions
also varied in strength according to whether one or more “companions” could be
adduced, whether the isnād had parallels, and whether they were continuous back
to Muhammad (muttaṣil) or intermitted (mawqūf). The subtleties in these and
other questions were part of the active competence that attended the whole
science.
The
repute and authority of the canonical collections did much to stabilize the
situation, but only because their emergence demonstrated that the zest for
tradition had overreached itself. By the end of the 3rd century ah it was
sorely necessary to solidify Hadith into a stable corpus of material to which
no new element could credibly be added and from which extravagances had been
purged. The Hadith tradition within the various traditions had by then become a
permanent and disciplined element in the authority structure of Islam—the
second great source of law and practice, complementary to the Qurʾān and
available for analogical handling (qiyās) and for consensus (ijtihād) as
further sources of legislation, arguing from the Qurʾān and the Sunnah as
primary. Shīʿite tradition stands apart from this structure of authority.
The writing period
The
most revered of all traditionalists was al-Bukhārī (ah 194–256 [810–870 ce]),
whose Al-Jāmiʿ al-ṣaḥīḥ (“The Authentic Collection”) has a unique place in the
awe and esteem of Muslims as a work of great historical import and deep piety.
While a boy, he made the pilgrimage to Mecca and gathered traditions in wide
travels. According to tradition, he was inspired to his task by a vision of the
Prophet Muhammad being pestered by flies while asleep—flies that he
(al-Bukhārī) fanned from the Prophet’s face. The flies represented the cloud of
spurious traditions darkening the true image, and the fan was its tireless
rescuer. Whatever the truth of this narrative, it captures the temper of
al-Bukhārī’s vocation. His Ṣaḥīḥ occupied 16 years of editorial pains and
scrutiny. He included 7,397 traditions with full isnād. Allowing for
repetitions, the net total was 2,762, gathered, it is said, from more than
600,000 memorized items. He arranged the whole into 97 books and 3,450 chapters
or topics, repeating the traditions that bore on several themes.
Of
comparable stature was the Ṣaḥīḥ of Muslim ibn al-Ḥajjāj (ah 202–261 [817–875
ce]), to which the compiler prefaced a discussion of the criteria of Hadith.
The material largely confirms his contemporaries, and all such traditions
common to these two authorities are known as agreed (muttafaq). It became
characteristic to give freer rein to prevailing or communal assent in matters
of isnād.
There
are four other classical collections of tradition, all belonging within the 3rd
century ah and interdependent in part. Abū Dāʾūd al-Sijistānī (ah 202–275
[817–889 ce]) produced his Kitāb al-sunan (“Book of Traditions”), containing
4,800 traditions relating to matters of jurisprudence (as the term sunan
indicates, in contradistinction to a jāmiʿ, or collection embracing all
fields). Abū ʿIsā Muḥammad al-Tirmidhī (died ah 279 [892 ce]) edited the Jāmiʿ
al-ṣaḥīḥ, adding notes on the distinctive interpretations of the schools of law
(madhāhib). Abūʿ Abd al-Raḥmān al-Nasāʾī (ah 216–303 [830–915 ce]) produced
another Kitāb al-sunan with special concern for the religious law relating to
ritual acts. Abū ʿAbdallāh ibn Mājā (ah 210–273 [824–886 ce]), a pupil of Abū
Dāʾūd, compiled another with the same title but tended to a readier tolerance
of less than satisfactory traditions. Preferences shifted between these four,
and some were slower of recognition than others. Nor did they oust the earlier
collection of Mālik ibn Anas, which maintained, if intermittently, its wide
appeal. But they formed the increasing reliance of generations of Muslims,
within the unique eminence of the master “pair,” and formed the sources of
later popular editions, intended to conflate material for didactic purposes.
One such was the work of Abū Muḥammad al-Baghawī (died ah 516 [1122 ce]) called
Maṣābīḥ al-Sunnah (“The Lamps of the Sunnah”). Commentaries on all these
classical musannafāt, or compilations, were many, and they were important in
education and piety.
Different in believes
The
tradition of the Shīʿites, the most significant minority branch of Islam in
terms of number of adherents, distinguished from the tradition of the Sunni
majority by belief in the special role of the Prophet’s cousin ʿAlī and his
descendants, diverges sharply from a very early date, though the emphasis on
the personality of Muhammad was identical. The Shīʿites broke away from the
Sunni stream of Islam for deep reasons of politics, emotion, and theology.
There was the dispute about caliphal succession and the role of ʿAlī, the
fourth caliph, cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad, and bitter cleavage because
of the tragic fate of his two sons and especially of Ḥusayn in the massacre of
Karbalāʿ, from which there ultimately evolved the theology of vicarious
suffering epitomized in Shīʿite devotion and ritual. All these factors
inevitably involved the business of tradition. The schism read the origins
according to the divided loyalties, and there was little that was not potentially
contentious, apart from obvious matters—e.g., Muhammad’s intentions for ʿAlī
and the caliphate. The issues were fought out in rivalry for the mind of the
Prophet, the authority of which was the sole agreement in the very disputing of
it. The Shīʿites thus rejected the tradition of the Sunnis and developed their
own corpus of tradition (though there is evidence that al-Nasāʾī, at least,
among the classical compilers, had sympathy with aspects of their cause). They
also questioned the Sunni notions of isnād and of the community as a locus of
authority and evolved their own system of submission to their imams. This
altered the whole role that tradition might play. The major Shīʿite
compilations date from the 4th and 5th centuries ah and allow only traditions
emanating from the house of ʿAlī. The first of them is that of Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad
al-Qulīnī (died ah 328 [939 ce]), Kāfī fī ʿilm al-dīn, which might be
translated: “Everything You Need to Know About the Science of Religious
Practice.
Significance of Hadith
Canonical
collections of Hadith are, for the non-Muslim, an introduction to a world of
faith—of behaviour, authority, and almost encyclopaedic inclusiveness.
Provisions of law are the primary element, enlarging Qurʾānic legislation. They
contain a whole array of moral, social, commercial, and personal matters, as
well as the themes of eschatology. All reaches of public and private conduct
may be found there, from the disposal of a date stone to the crisis of the
deathbed, from the manner of ablution to the duties of forgiveness, from the
physical routines of digestion to the description of the Day of Judgment. There
is a Talmudic capacity for detail and scrupulousness in legal and ethical
prescriptions and precepts. There are stories of integrity and right action—for
example, that of the purchaser of a plot of ground who subsequently unearthed
in it a pot of gold, which he brought back to the former owner, protesting that
it was not within his bargain. The vendor, likewise, refused to claim it since
he had not known the gold was there when he sold his field. An arbitrator
solved their dilemma of honesty by proposing the marriage of the son of one
with the daughter of the other so that, after alms, the gold might be settled
on the couple. Through and in tradition, Islam aligned itself authoritatively
with all it found compatible in local usages and brought hospitably and
masterfully within its purview the continuity of many cultures. There is wide
evidence of the impact of Jewish and Christian elements, notably in the realm
of eschatology, in the elaboration of the stark and urgent Qurʾānic doctrine of
the Last Judgment. But always the imprint of Islam is clear. Tradition is at
once a mine and a kind of currency, the source and the circulation of the values
it makes and preserves.
Rasool-U-Allah forbids the
writing of his Hadith
It
has been documented in Muslim, Ahmed and other sources of hadith that the
prophet Muhammad has prohibited the writing of his hadith. All the hadith
collections we have today, and which are regarded by the hadith scholars as
authentic (sahih), were written two centuries after the death of the Prophet,
for two centuries there was no authorised documentation of the hadith in
accordance with the prohibition left by the Prophet. Out of the sahih
collections we have today, the first to be written was that of Bukhari who was
born in the year 194 after Hijra (870 AD). It is also important to note that
the authors of the other six hadith collections, like Musim and Abu Dawood,
were all born after Bukhari.
The
Quran contains a prophecy for the fabrication of hadith by the Prophet's
enemies:
"We
have permitted the enemies of every prophet human and jinn devils to inspire in
each other fancy words, in order to deceive. Had your Lord willed, they would
not have done it. You shall disregard them and their fabrications." 6:112
The
Quran also confirms that it is in accordance with God's will that the
fabrication of the hadith was allowed to happen in order to serve as criteria
for exposing the true believers from the hypocrites. Those who are attracted to
and uphold hadith are proven to be false believers. This can easily be
explained by the fact that true believers are satisfied with God alone. They
are satisfied with God's words alone and with God's law (Quran) alone. They
believe the words of God which describe the Quran as complete and fully
detailed, and therefore they do not need any other source. They obey God's
command to uphold no source of religious law besides the Quran:
"Shall
I seek other than God as a source of law, when He has revealed to you this book
fully detailed? Those who received the scripture recognise that it has been
revealed from your Lord, truthfully. You shall not harbour any doubt.
The
word of your Lord is complete, in truth and justice. Nothing shall abrogate His
words. He is the Hearer, the Omniscient." 6:114-115
On
the other hand, false believers are not satisfied with the Quran being the only
source of law, thus they seek other sources:
"This
is to let the minds of those who do not believe in the Hereafter listen to such
fabrications, and accept them, and thus expose their real convictions."
6:113
The
books of hadith report the Prophet prohibiting the writing of his hadith and
that his followers should not write anything from him other than the Quran! It
is also documented that the Prophet maintained his stand until death.
History of the documentation of
hadith
The
writing and documentation of the hadith is an interesting and important part of
Islamic history.
God
repeatedly confirms in the Quran that the book is complete, perfect and fully
detailed (6:19, 38,114,115; 50:45, 12:111), and if He so willed He would have
given us hundreds of books, not just one Quran
Hadith
and the KhUlafa-h-Al-Rashideen (guided khalifas)
The
four guided Khalifas who ruled the Muslim Umma (nation) after the death of the
prophet Muhammed(PBUH), respected the command of the Prophet and prohibited the
writing and collection of hadiths. They accepted that the Quran is fully detailed
and that it is the only source of religion (6:114).
Abu Bakr
at one point was not sure whether to keep what he knows of hadiths or not. He
had collected 500 hadiths during very long companionship of the prophet
Muhammed, but he could not sleep the night until he burned them. Omar Ibn
Al-Khattab insisted on destroying the hadiths collected by his son Abdullah.
Islamic history mentioned the story of Omar Ibn Al-Khattab restraining four of
the Prophet's companions because of their insistence on telling hadiths, these
were Ibn Masoud, Abu Al-Dardaa, Abu Masoud Al-Anssary and Abu Tharr
Al-Ghaffary. Omar called Abu Hurayra a liar and threatened to send him back to
Yemen where he came from if he does not stop telling these lies about the
prophet Muhammed. He stopped until Omar died then started again.
Umar
is also reported to have stated that he had desired to write down a collection
of the Prophet's sayings, but refrained for fear of the Muslims choosing to
abandon the teachings of the Quran in favour of the hadith.
"I
wanted to write the Sun'an, and I remembered a people who were before you, they
wrote other books to follow and abandoned the book of God. And I will never, I
swear, replace God's book with anything" Jami' Al-Bayan 1/67
Ali Ibn Abu Talib,
the fourth Khalifa in one of his speeches said, "I urge all those who have
writings taken from the Messenger of God to go home and erase it. The people
before you were annihilated because they followed the hadiths of their scholars
and left the book of their Lord." (Sunan Al-Daramy)
Abu
Hurayra narrated more hadiths than anybody else including Abu Bakr, Umar, Ali,
and Aysha who lived with the Prophet all their lives. In less than two years of
being with the Prophet, Abu Hurayra narrated more hadiths than all these
companions of the Prophet altogether. He narrated 5374 hadiths. Ibn Hanbal
quoted 3848 of his hadiths in his book. The Guided Khalifas who ruled the
Muslim Umma after the death of the prophet Muhammed respected the Prophet's
wish in not writing anything but the Quran and denounced any attempt of writing
the hadiths and sunna. Their example was followed for the first two centuries
after the Prophet's death. By that time, the lies about the prophet Muhammed
was widespread and the people deserted the Quran to look for hadiths, that is
when the Khalifa Omar Ibn Abdel-Aziz issued an order to permit the writing of
hadiths and sunna thinking that the genuine hadith would be recorded and that
this would thus would put an end to the lies about the prophet Muhammed (PBUH).
In his ruling he disregarded the commandments of God in the Quran and the
teachings of the prophet Muhammed and the examples of his predecessors and the
objection of many of the scholars in his time. Since then Islam moved from the
religion of God, the Quran, to the infamous hadiths and sunna that were
originally prohibited by God and His Prophet.
അഭിപ്രായങ്ങള്